Tag: Baldwin Locomotive

  • A Historical Example of Bilateral Oligopoly:  Baldwin Locomotive Works

    A Historical Example of Bilateral Oligopoly: Baldwin Locomotive Works

    Baldwin Locomotive

    Baldwin, the largest producer of steam locomotives in the                 nineteenth century, faced problems typical of a dominant company in a bilateral
    oligopolistic industry.  Almost everything that               happened at Baldwin
    was conditioned by a highly cyclical, almost   unpredictable competitive
    environment.  A high level of business       risk followed from sudden, large fluctuations in demand. This         meant that Baldwin
    often had excess capacity with substantial         fixed investment, leading to a
    strategy based on economies of scope and not economies of scale.  Baldwin also depended
    on a skilled       labor force with firm-specific knowledge and experience that was    exposed to sudden and massive layoffs followed by the company’s   attempts to
    rehire the same workers.  It is hard to
    imagine a more    challenging competitive environment.                                                    



    Baldwin was a large and dominant
    firm, accounting for approximately one-third of all steam locomotive
    production.  The buy side of the market
    was dominated by a small and increasingly concentrated number of railroad
    companies, which were some of the largest corporations in America
    in the nineteenth century.  The sources
    of market power of the locomotive builders were their specialization and flexibility
    in production, although some of the larger railroads – Baldwin’s
    largest customers – also built locomotives in their own machine shops.  The sources of market power of the railroads
    were their large purchasing power, technical knowledge of their “master
    mechanics” who ordered equipment, and knowledge of the optimal mix of equipment
    for their particular company.  In such an
    environment, Baldwin had market power because of its
    size and assembly expertise, but never enjoyed the market control of a mass producer
    of standardized products.  Market power
    based on marketing to final consumers was not feasible; railroad customers did
    not demand that railroads use Baldwin engines.



    Every large railroad developed its own specifications and
    demanded customized equipment from Baldwin.  In addition, there was continuous
    technological improvement of the basic steam locomotive, often innovated by
    railroad technical staff.  As a
    consequence, Baldwin could never control the pace of
    design change.  The company could not totally
    incorporate mass production techniques because of constantly-changing
    customized design and finish.  On the
    other hand, by working closely with its customers over a long period of time, Baldwin
    probably had lower transaction costs than if its sales were arms-length market
    transactions.



    This mutual dependence, along with railroads’ credible
    threat of internal production, usually gave the railroads a bargaining
    advantage when negotiating design customization and price with Baldwin.  But working closely with its largest
    customers, particularly the Pennsylvania Railroad, also increased the
    probability of Baldwin’s long-run survival. 



    This symbiotic relationship between steam locomotive
    builders and the railroads worked as long there was no fundamental innovation
    in engine design and both sides benefited from continuous improvement in the
    steam locomotive.   The bilateral
    relationship would be much different in the later market for diesel engines in
    which General Motors controlled the technology and forced railroads to buy
    standardized products.



    Baldwin’s management objectives were
    to minimize risk and maximize operating flexibility by sharing risk with
    suppliers through subcontracting out much of its parts production.  Since production was to order, Baldwin
    managed a “just-in-time” parts inventory system that minimized working capital
    requirements. When times were bad, Baldwin could delay
    payment to its suppliers and thus use them as a major source of working
    capital.  This was one way the company
    dealt with severe cash flow problems in economic downturns.



    The company countered the potential loss of skilled workers
    after massive layoffs with high wages, skill development through apprenticeship
    training for employees and sons of employees, and the hope of higher income for
    long-term employees through a system of internal promotion and inside
    contracting.  Inside contracting, usually
    managed by long-term employees, put pressure on contractors to keep labor costs
    down.  This led to much more cooperative,
    less confrontational labor relations policies than those of other large-scale
    employers like Carnegie Steel.


    Horace L.Arnold – “Modern Machine-Shop Economics.” in Engineering Magazine, 11. 1896


    Because of the complex nature of its production, Baldwin
    needed sophisticated internal systems to keep track of parts, subassemblies,
    and final production schedules.  The
    company substituted detailed cost and internal job flow information for
    management control bureaucracies.  While Baldwin
    did little internal product development, it was very quick in applying advances
    in product design and production technology. 
    But the company never “bet the ranch” on internal development of a
    radically new design of steam locomotives.


    The long-term success of
    Baldwin, under highly uncertain market conditions,
    raises the issue of the limitations of the multidivisional form of
    organization.  Multidivisional
    corporations often do not stay focused on production of key product lines and
    the development of core competencies. 
    Rather, they are prone to the danger of more diversification than they
    can efficiently manage, with the related danger of diseconomies of scale.


    When diesel locomotives
    became less expensive to operate and maintain than steam locomotives,
    Baldwin tried to adjust but its technology and skill
    base was too specialized to adopt the new technology. 
    Baldwin did
    innovate, designing and producing more powerful and efficient steam engines.  But to no avail. 
    Baldwin was
    doomed, another victim of “creative destruction.”


    COMPANIES SIMILAR TO BALDWIN

    A suggestive line of inquiry might be the similarities between
    Baldwin’s strategies and those of Japanese companies to
    minimize risk and maximize innovation in a highly uncertain and changing
    environment. Large Japanese companies
    followed similar strategies in the early phases of their industry growth. A big difference was that zaibatsu risk was reduced by the actions
    of the Japanese government and related financial institutions.



    Probably the current companies most similar to Baldwin
    are capital goods companies that sell large, complicated systems.  Another suggestive analogy might be the
    similar strategies adopted by organizations such as financial software
    companies that build large, complex systems, such as SAP
    or Oracle. 
    Any company that relies on
    employees with firm-specific skills and experience, including knowledge of the
    requirements of large customers, face many of the challenges that Baldwin
    did.