Tag: Information

  • Corporate Strategies: Marketing and Price Discrimination

    One of the biggest shifts since 2013 is that a majority (52%, up from 39%) now say they are “willing to spend extra for a brand with an image that appeals to me.”

    Ipsos, Global Trends, September 19, 2025.

    CONTENTIONS

    Pricing is a strategy, not something a company accepts or beyond its control. Price discrimination is one pricing strategy.

    Price discrimination can be practice by individual companies or all companies in an industry. The relative effectiveness of competing companies’ price discrimination depends partly on the proprietary (private to the company) information each company has.

    Price discrimination, in combination with loyalty programs or product line extension, can increase market share.

    The more proprietary information a company has, the more effective is price discrimination. The more information about individual buying behavior, the more effective is personalized price discrimination.

    INTRODUCTION – COMPANIES WITH “MARKET POWER”

    The focus of this essay is on corporations that sell products or services to final consumers. A common strategy is price discrimination.

    Retailing is somewhat different than most market transactions. Retailers sell to a large number of consumers. They negotiate prices and terms of sales with a wide variety of suppliers, both in size and products offered.

    Retailers and distributors are market-makers. They bring buyers (consumers) and sellers (manufacturers) together. Some companies have their own bricks-and-mortar stores (Sherwin-Williams) or their own websites. Many online retail sites such as Amazon are market-makers.

    This discussion assumes that sellers and retailers have “market power.” This may be a result of past strategies of branding, advertising, developing loyal or return customers, developing market niches by product line extension, or any other strategy that differentiates its products or services from the competition. The result may be high market share or above-average profitability.

    Pricing, rather than being determine by total market or industry supply and demand, is another strategy. Market price can change because of some change outside of the company, such as a change in real disposable income of consumers or an input innovation available to all producers. Here it is assumed that corporations have some flexibility on the mix of prices they charge.

    DEFINITION OF PRICE DISCRIMINATION

    Price discrimination is the practice of charging different prices to different consumers for the same or similar good or service when those price differences are not caused by differences in cost. It is the pricing strategy of being able to raise or lower the price charged to one segment of customers without changing price for all customers.

    Price discrimination of consumer products often goes together with product line extension (possibly a related form of price discrimination), market segmentation, loyalty programs, and product branding. The goal is to maximize revenue and increase profit.

    Price discrimination is part of Demand Management or Revenue Management. The basis for these marketing strategies is the brand, or branding. Branding and price discrimination often occur together.

    The goal is to maximize profits, not just sales.

    This usual means raising prices to one segment of customers with a “willingness to pay” greater than the current price. But it can also mean increasing sales and maybe profits if the company offers a lower price to potential customers without lowering price to existing customers. Maybe a discount offered to new customers – the enticing “introductory offer.” This is particularly common if the service is a renewable subscription but also used by cable companies, streaming services, magazines, and newspapers.

    Some of the types of price discrimination discussed here are:

    Personalized pricing – targets individuals based on proprietary information about their personal “willingness to pay.”

    Dynamic pricing. One version, first associated with airlines, starts with supply fixed in the short run. For airlines, this means to numbers of seats on a particular flight. The cost per flight is mostly fixed – depreciation of the plane, crew, landing fees. Only slight change in amount of fuel if more passengers. And the flight takes off regardless of the number of passengers. (A long time ago, I was one of three student standby passengers on a Boeing 747. No other passengers.)

    The pricing structure changes over time until the flight is booked or reservations are closed. The airline tracks the mix of bookings as the date of the flight approaches and compares it with the past mix of bookings, maybe on the same day a year before. Based on that, the airlines might change the mix of prices.

    The same logic behind dynamic pricing applies to any type of company that has fixed supply in the short run – a hotel, a cruise ship line.

    Two other common types of price discrimination:

    Load balancing has long been practiced by utilities. Customers are encouraged by lower (off-peak) pricing to use electricity when demand is low. Time segmented markets.

    Surge pricing is sometimes cited as an example of price discrimination. It has been associated with Uber in the past. But higher prices are charged in period of higher-than-normal demand.

    OTHER MARKETING STRATEGIES

    Price discrimination is often a part of loyalty programs, including special offers, special discounts, or fee waivers. Frequent flyer programs often include free admission to airport lounges and free baggage handling.

    There are physically-segmented markets. Cigarette sales taxes are a high percent of the retail price in some states. Market-makers buy cigarettes in low-tax states and sell them in high-tax states. This is called arbitrage, one way to lessen price discrimination.

    Another example is college textbooks, which are expensive in wealthy countries. Lower-cost versions are sold in poorer countries. Price-conscious students with relatives abroad buy the lower-priced textbooks. Some books are online, which makes it even easier.

    Some websites might display higher-end products for customers with higher incomes or a free-spending buying history, and lower-end products for bargain hunters or lower income customers.

    PRICE DISCRIMINATION AND INFORMATION 

    There are different kinds of price discrimination. More effective price discrimination depends on more and better data about consumers. Data about potential customers and existing customers. Examples generally apply to companies selling to consumers, not other companies in supply chain. But there are supply-side versions of price discrimination where companies negotiate net prices. 

    Finer-grained (granulated) pricing is made possible by algorithms and computer-based data collection.

    Modern price discrimination is based on sellers generating massive amounts of data on customers. Much of it is proprietary data that is used for pricing decisions. The more demographic data and data on past buying behavior of groups or even individuals, the more effective is price discrimination in increasing sales revenue. The ultimate goal is personalized pricing.

    Sometimes pricing can be changed in close to real time. Amazon changes a large number of prices every day. Digital price displays are showing up in supermarkets; this makes it easier and cheaper to change prices.

    Price discrimination has been supported by the tremendous fall in the cost of gathering and analyzing consumer information. The result is large databases. Advances in information technology has greatly reduced the cost of gathering and analyzing data. Also the cost of changing prices. It is the main reason for movement towards personalized pricing.

    A word about credit cards; they typically ask for personal information.  This makes it easier to track your buying actions. And more companies ask you to set up accounts or apps.

    With data from apps or credit cards, the company can access more data from other databases.

    So the value of the sale is not just the sales price but, in addition, the information obtained about buying patterns and buying behavior. On each individual customer. 

    Internal sales data and information about customers are proprietary information, one source of higher profits.

    Developing a large proprietary database on customers becomes the basis for price discrimination. The company can offer different prices to smaller subgroups of customers. The ultimate goal is to maximize revenue by offering different prices to individuals based on a large quantity of data known about the individual. In the oxymoronic jargon of economics this is called “perfect price discrimination,” or personalized price discrimination.

    Price discrimination is an application of asymmetric information.  Companies know more and more about individual consumers.

    E-commerce does provide information for consumers, more choices, and cuts down on search costs. But companies can design different offerings to different customers, which may make them brand-loyal customers and reduce them from looking for alternatives from other companies. 

    Modern price discrimination is based on sellers generating massive amounts of data on customers. Much of it is proprietary data that is used for pricing decisions. The more demographic data and data on past buying behavior of groups or even individuals, the more effective is price discrimination in increasing sales revenue. The ultimate goal is personalized pricing.

    EVERY COMPANY HAS AN APP (Branding)

    The value of a sale to a company may be more than just the price. It may include information about customers. So a customer who uses the company’s app and fills out a form may be more valuable than one who pays cash in a store.

    If you download the Starbucks app, the company can access your address book (contact list), financial information, browsing and purchase history (the database never forgets), location (where you live and where you go). They can track your online browsing and purchasing activity. With this information, Starbuck’s (and any other company) can access data about you from other databases All this information is analyzed by algorithms that estimate your willingness to pay. They may offer you higher-priced products. Or offer discounts to get you to buy more. Companies like UnitedHealth have follow-on marketing of related services and products targeted to individual customers or subset of all customers in their database.

    The more information a company has about individual customers, the more likely it can use personalized pricing.

    Branding now includes a company’s social media identity, including the tone of voice and personality when interacting with customers on the website. This will be an application of AI. 

    CUSTOMER CATEGORIES

    Behind much of marketing, and especially price discrimination is Pareto’s Law, also known as the 80/20 rule. It states that a relatively small percent of your customers accounts for a relatively large percent of your sales. (See Corporate Strategies:  Basic Concepts and Management for a discussion of this concept). It highlights the worth of repeat or high-value customers.

    A high-value customer does not necessarily mean high income. Repeat customers can be high-value customers. Home shopping channels rely on consumption addiction. They show a “list” price and then offer a “discount” price. Also, they often say there are only a limited number of the item for sale or it will be available for only a limited amount of time. The constant stream of visual sales pitches seems to keep some viewers watching for hours. They are probably “high value” customers.

    Many repeat customers on large cruise ships are senior citizens living on social security. Frequent flyers who follow Grateful Dead concerts around the country are highly prized by airlines. High rollers (a small percent of all casino gamblers) and frequent gamblers are comped rooms, meals, or entertainment. 

    Casinos tend to cluster (Las Vegas, Atlantic City, Macau). They basically provide the same services. So it is crucial to differentiate product or service – theme, décor, etc. 

    SOME EXAMPLES

    Retailers often raise the price of snow shovels in a snowstorm, umbrellas in a rainstorm, and taxi fares when it’s raining or snowing. Short-run shift in demand, short-run supply fixed. Retailers might charge more if the new customers are one-time customers or if there is a low chance of repeat customers. The problem is that they are also raising the price for existing or repeat customers. They may lose goodwill and future sales. 

    This is not an example of price discrimination because of the shift in the demand curve and the suppliers cannot differentiate new customers from existing customers. It is a form of surge pricing.

    Sometimes sellers can differentiate and charge different prices. A common example is tourists vs. locals. Tourists pay more but not always. But there is a third set of prices. Buyers can negotiate or “haggle” with sellers. I was in a tour group in China. We were offered a wide variety of goods. One of the members of our group was Chinese-American and spoke Chinese. She would haggle in Chinese for anyone in the group to obtain lower prices. Every tourist group should have a designated haggler.

    Luxury products and cosmetics. Companies have tried to increase sales by offering similar (or the same) product under a different brand at a lower price, often though different distribution channels. This is a dangerous strategy if their brand name loses its cachet.

    The healthcare industry. Providers like doctors, hospitals, and pharmacies negotiate prices with health insurance companies. The prices they receive depend on which healthcare plan the patient is in. On the supply side, pharmacies negotiate prices with drug companies through pharmacy benefits managers (PBMs). As discussed in another essay, all markets up and down the healthcare supply chain are dominated by large companies with large market shares. Prices are negotiated. These types of markets are called bilateral oligopolies.

    Small companies, like local retailers, attempt to differentiate their offering from those of local and national competitors. (restaurants, specialty shops, local services) and rely on loyal customers. In my hometown, over 40 family-owned restaurants and delis compete with the local stores of national chains. Two coffee shops successfully compete with two Starbucks. How? By not imitating the national chains, by differentiating their offerings and environment. Every restaurant is different. By trying to attract and develop repeat customers.

    My retired parents were excellent repeat customers at a local diner. The owner would always greet them personally and sometimes gave them a free dessert. The owners of the two delis in my town know the names of almost all their customers; they live in town and often talk with them about family or vacations or some other personal subject.

    One strategy is to encourage brand loyalty with lower prices. Amazon offers price discounts if you agree to automatically receive a product on a schedule, such as once a month.

    When I walk into my local CVS store, I’m greeted by a sea of price tags that say something like “buy one, get the second at half price.” If you buy two at once, you save 25%. You can also save if you have a discount card or are a member of a loyalty program. These types of pricing strategies are very common.

    The price a consumer pays may depend on when the product is bought. Retailers offer sales on seasonal products, excess inventory, and end of season merchandize. Christmas decorations on December 26. And my favorite, happy hour.

    Senior citizen discounts used to be common. Then retailers and service providers realized that seniors have a lot of income. Good-bye discounts.

    Price discrimination can be by race or gender or age, although this often isn’t legal. There are a few examples of companies basing price discrimination on area code. In one famous case, an education services company offered higher prices in mailings to area codes with a high percent of Asian families.

    Governments create price discrimination. Different national governments set different prices for the same pharmaceutical products distributed globally. Different tariffs on products from different countries create differences in prices in the national domestic market. Different state sales taxes create different online prices for the same product.

    Reduction of transaction costs of practicing price discrimination or changing prices. Algorithms and “personalized pricing.” Application of asymmetric information. Companies have more information than consumers. Consumers can compare prices online, but they don’t know if the retailer is charging different prices to different consumers. Reduces search costs of time. Sites will do it for you – airline and hotel tickets.

    SOME OTHER CONSIDERATIONS

    Political borders create opportunity for price discrimination. Canadians cross the US border to have elective surgery even though it is free in Canada. The reason is the long waits for elective surgery in Canada even when the patient is in pain. Some consumers get tax-free cigarettes on Native American reservations. Other Americans obtain cheaper prescription drugs and dental services along the Mexican border. 

    Some buyers may pay more to reduce risk. If it is hard to determine the quality of a product, some buyers may pay more to reduce risk. An example might be buying a used car; most buyers cannot evaluate the quality of a used car. Some pay a mechanic to look over the car. Many manufacturers offer insurance for repair costs. Some consumers just pay the seller’s price and assume the higher risk. A quaint historical example was student standby on airlines. There was the risk of not having a reservation and not getting the preferred flight. 

    On the other hand, the value of the purchase may be less than expected. Some buyers may buy a product from a questionable seller (street vendor) and run the risk of getting a counterfeit version of a branded luxury consumer product. Online markets like Amazon and eBay are chock full of counterfeits, knock-offs, scams, and stolen goods.

    Some consumers may pay more for a branded product than for an identical, or almost identical, generic product. Sometimes the reason is the belief the branded product has consistent quality and the generic may not. This is common in supermarkets. Many generic food products are the same as branded and may be produced in the same plant as the branded product.

    PRICE DISCRIMINATION AND INFORMATION

    Developing a large proprietary database on customers becomes the basis for price discrimination. The company can offer different prices to smaller and smaller subgroups of customers. The ultimate goal is to maximize revenue by offering different prices to individuals based on a large quantity of data known about the individual. In the oxymoronic jargon of economics this is called “perfect price discrimination,” or personalized price discrimination.

    Price discrimination is an application of asymmetric information.  Companies know more and more about individual consumers.

    E-commerce does provide information for consumers, more choices, and cuts down on search costs. But companies can design different offerings to different customers, which may make them brand-loyal customers and reduce them from looking for alternatives from other companies. 

    Modern price discrimination is based on sellers generating massive amounts of data on customers. Much of it is proprietary data that is used for pricing decisions. The more demographic data and data on past buying behavior of groups or even individuals, the more effective is price discrimination in increasing sales revenue. The ultimate goal is personalized pricing.

    Algorithms have greatly reduced the cost of changing prices. Amazon changes millions of prices every day. Supermarkets use digital price systems at the shelves that make it easy to change prices.

    AIRLINE “DYNAMIC PRICING.”

    Airlines use a form of price discrimination called “dynamic pricing.” Each flight has a fixed number of seats (fixed supply). Almost all cost is fixed regardless of the number of passengers. The problem is how to maximize revenue. 

    Dynamic pricing is related to load factor. The load factor, percent of seats filled in a flight, is an important determinant of profit. Airlines shoot for load factors over 80%. Last minute discount fares, sometimes through “cheap tickets” websites, is better than empty seats and no revenue. But the number of last-minute cheap tickets depends on how successful dynamic pricing has been.

    On some routes, based on past data, airlines may charge more for some seats, expecting last-minute business travelers.

    Recently, airlines began to charge individual passengers who flew during the week more than the per passenger they charged couples per person. After outcry, they rescinded most of the new fares. But they also did the opposite; on some flights where there was little or no competition, they raised the fares of couples to twice the solo fare.

    This is a new version of trying to charge a higher fare for business travelers completing their round-trip flights during the week.

    The Economist, “Airlines’ favourite new pricing trick,” July 22,      2025.

    Airlines, using past data and looking for buying patterns, noticed on some flights, most last-minute sales were to business travelers. So rather than reducing prices just before the flight, they made more business class seats available at the higher price.

    But how does an airline know when to change prices on a particular flight? The have information on the same flight on the same date last year. They can see the reservation history and see if the upcoming flight is following the same pattern. If not, they change the mix of prices and the availability of seats at different prices.

    At some entertainment events, last minute tickets cost more (scalpers). Rock groups now charge more than in the past. Formerly, they charged below market-clearing prices for concerts to fill the hall (show popularity) and help promote their album sales. Music is now free on the internet. Concerts are a separate source of income. The extreme example is the Grateful Dead, which has developed a long-term cult following, which is a little spooky since Jerry Garcia has been dead for 30 years. Other rock concerts are based on nostalgia; it is doubtful if the concerts generate much if any new record sales.

    COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY PRICE DISCRIMINATION

    There is a quaint view that it is unethical or even illegal to use collected data to charge each customer a different amount on their “willingness” or ability to pay. People who still believe this have never dealt with the college admissions process.

    No industry uses personalized price discrimination more than the college and university industry. Tuition list prices have gone up much more than the overall price index. Discounts are off higher and higher list tuition.

    There are distinct market segments of students who pay different prices. Some students and their families pay list price, such as foreign students, part-time adult students, and out-of-state students at public universities. Most full-time “traditional-aged” students don’t. How much of a tuition discount (aka scholarship) depends on a number of factors. Colleges and universities gather data about students’ family finances from the Financial Aid Form and other databases. This gives them a crude “willingness to pay” number used to compute the tuition discount. 

    The number of full-time traditional-aged students is going down because of demographics (fewer 18-year-olds) and doubt a college education is worth the opportunity cost (including four years lost income). If students take out student loans and can’t meet the payback costs, they learn about compound interest.

    An interesting market segment is the children of college graduates. Children of graduates tend to go to a parent’s college. Family brand loyalty? And, as children of one or two college graduates, family income is likely to be higher than average. Alumnae parents may be willing to pay more, ceteris paribus.

    Colleges offer large tuition discounts to “high-value” students such as outstanding athletes.

    Colleges have found a segment of applying students who really want to go to a particular college and whose parents probably have a higher “willingness to pay.” It is early admission. A student who applies for early admission agrees to go to that college if accepted. The advantage is that by applying early, the student has a much better chance than later applicants of being admitted.

    Buyers (parents) can affect the final cost. Some parents “haggle” after learning what the tuition cost will be. This can be effective if the parents can convince the admissions people their child really likes the college (good chance the kid will pick the college) but they don’t want to pay the offered price. This probably doesn’t work if their child is admitted early. 

    Universities segment the market, set different effective prices, and in doing so, capture more revenue from high-paying students’ families and attract lower-revenue students to fill empty (zero-revenue) seats.

    This market has asymmetric information. Colleges know a lot more about potential students and how to market to them than students know about colleges. There is much “buyer’s regret.” About one-fourth of full-time traditional-aged students transfer.

    Colleges have found a segment of applying students who really want to go to a particular college and whose parents probably have a higher “willingness to pay.” It is early admission. A student who applies for early admission agrees to go to that college if accepted. The advantage is that applying early, the student has a much better chance of being admitted than later applicants.

    CONSUMER PSYCHOLOGY

    Consumers love sales, discounts, and coupons. They love frequent flyer points and loyalty programs. They derive “pleasure” from getting a good deal, from not paying list price.

    Consumers look at prices. The list or full price is sometimes called the anchor or anchor price. That is, some consumers compare the sales price with the list price to see how much they are saving. Typically, the greater the percent saving, the greater the satisfaction.  Daniel Kahneman, a psychologist, won a Nobel Prize in Economics by discovering this behavior (and a lot more).  

    All retailers and service providers know this.  So they mark-up the wholesale price to earn a target margin that includes an expected percent of the goods to be sold on sale. The target margin is often a weighted average of the a list price and some form of a discounted price, such a sales price at the end of a season for seasonal or holiday goods.. So there are two types of customers – those who buy the product at retail and those who can wait for a lower price.

    HAGGLING

    Customers who pay a higher price than others can reduce price discrimination by haggling. If you call your local, friendly cable company and threaten to “cut the cord,” they will probably lower the cost of your monthly bill. Sometimes providers will waive fees if asked by long-time customers.

    Most Americans don’t like to haggle in person. It takes time, effort, and confrontation. Buying on sale, with coupons and rebates, or through a loyalty program is a passive, low-cost way for people who don’t like to haggle in person. So is “discount” prices offered on Amazon. Just click. 

    At retail, price discrimination is built into the list price.  Rather than one price, retailers expect to sell the same product at different prices to different groups of customers. At the end of a season, unsold goods go on sale. Colleges compute tuition discounts for each student they accept.

    There’s another aspect to the purchasing process economics doesn’t consider – how the consumer pays.  Consumers who pay with credit cards do not experience the same “pain” as consumers who pay with cash. The pain is delayed until the credit card bill comes due. The combination of the two changes – the pleasure of getting a sale and delayed paying with a credit card – changes the pleasure/pain ratio of the purchase and probably increases total sales. For some people, buying online with a credit card further reduces the pain. Until the interest on credit card balance begin to add up and compound.

    Any “buy now, pay later” plan probably increases sales. An implicit interest charge is included in the price.  

    PRICE DISCRIMINATION ALONG THE SUPPLY CHAIN

    Setting net prices along the supply chain can be an expensive and complicated process. Haggling, usually called negotiating, is an integral part of the entire purchasing process. Walmart employs thousands of purchasing agents in China just to negotiate the terms of buying products in Asia.  Companies also spend a great deal of money on people and IT to compute and track net prices.  Net prices and terms of sales are negotiable after the sale and delivery of the goods, as companies haggle over interest on late payment, returns, advertising allowances, warranty costs, delivery costs, transportation and tariff costs, support services and any other part of the transaction.

    Sources:

    E. Andrew Boyd, The Future of Pricing:  How Airline Ticket Pricing Has Inspired a Revolution, 2007.
    Ben Casselman, New York Times, ‘Same Product, Same Store, but on Instacart, Prices Might Differ,” December 9, 2025.

    See other essays in the Corporate Strategies series:

    Corporate Strategies:  Basic Concepts and Management

    Corporate Strategies:  Mergers and Acquisitions

    Corporate Strategies:  Organizational Change in the Future

  • The Economics of Financial Markets

    The Economics of Financial Markets

    THE ECONOMICS OF FINANCIAL MARKETS

    MARKET-MAKERS, BIASED INFORMATION, AND FORECASTS

    This tutorial will look at financial markets and how they actually function. 

    There are two general theories about how financial markets work. The first is the Efficient Market Theory, which assumes all decision-makers are rational – they have access to information, can analyze it, and make investment decisions. Strangely, a major conclusion is that investors cannot predict stock price movements, which are random. The second is Behavioral Finance, which assumes that investors are irrational – they have a number of biases and are influenced by the markets’ past behavior.

    Both theories based on this supposed distinction that “explain” financial price behavior are irrelevant.

    What is left out of theoretical models of financial markets is how financial markets actually operate. Between buyers (investors) and sellers (including issuers of new securities), there are market makers like brokerage firms, managed funds, hedge funds and investment banks. It is in their interest to get investors to invest in financial assets rather than other types of assets, to trade often, to buy riskier securities and derivatives. All these strategies generate more revenue for them. 

    It is also in their interest to convince investors to pay large fees for supposedly superior information or analytical skill, that is, to ignore the Efficient Market Hypothesis. And investors, including large pension funds, often do.

    The primary selling tools are financial information, analysis of the information, and forecasts. It is the self-interest of all market-makers to present biased information and optimistic forecasts. For market-makers, financial information and forecasts are marketing data.

    What is financial information? First, the current earnings of companies. The problem is politely phrased “quality of earnings.” Earnings, and earnings per share (EPS), are routinely managed by corporate accountants to show steady or exponential earnings growth. This increases the share price as EPS goes up and, if earnings rise by a high or increasing percent every quarter, by increasing the price/earnings (P/E) ratio of the stock. 

    Since top management now receives much of its compensation from stock options and bonuses based on earnings growth, they have a personal reason to see that earnings are managed.

    Even a casual reading of the financial press or case studies on corporate finance reveal the numerous ways reported earnings per share can be increased when there is no increase in operating earnings or even a decrease. The simplest way is to increase financial leverage. The current version is to borrow money to finance share buybacks. This increases earnings per share since there are fewer shares outstanding.  

    For a sample of corporate accounting frauds, see http://www.accounting-degree.org/scandals/. Also see the entertaining film The Smartest Guys in the Room for the massive accounting fraud that bankrupted Enron.

    Then analysts who work for market-makers spin the earnings. They invent plausible reasons for the steady or accelerating increase in EPS and P/E ratios. Assuming these reasons will continue if not accelerate, they make optimistic forecasts of future earnings. Since the stock market is “forward-looking,” these biased forecasts are important pieces of “information” that investors use to make decisions. Analysts (and CNBC) become cheerleaders for the industries and companies they study, especially if they work for a financial institution that competes for investment banking business. Often analysts will hype a company that they privately know is a dog.

    Analysts overwhelming issue buy or hold recommendations and very seldom issue sell recommendations.

    The worse scenario for an investor is an industry with new technology. Analysts are free to make whatever predictions they want, no matter how improbable. A good story sells. In the decades I’ve followed the stock market, I’ve never heard an analyst tell the simple truth:  Almost all the companies trying to develop a new technology will go bankrupt and it is impossible to tell which few will be big winners (if any). Think about the biotech, dotcom and “clean energy” booms. I think it is fair to include the clever innovations that made the subprime mortgage and derivative boom possible.

    Investors are buying the future. Even stock index funds, which are weighted averages of the market value of the underlying stocks, go up mostly because of the more rapid than average increase in the hot stocks and hot industries. 

    This game comes to a temporary reversal when there is an “external shock” such as a recession. The phrase indicates important events than cannot be forecasted. Then there are the inevitable losses, “restatement of earnings,” “extraordinary losses” and “write-down of assets.” Hyped new technology companies go bankrupt. Hot stocks and industries driving the market get clobbered and indexes go down. Often a lot. 

    Besides reducing past earnings, companies will also take a “big bath” write-off of assets and anticipated future expenses. It is common practice to overestimate future expenses and losses. Then when actual expenses are incurred, they are smaller than announced and earnings are higher. This is one reason for the apparent paradox that a company’s stock price often goes up when the company announces a large loss and a large write-off of assets. 

    But memories are short, hope springs eternal and there is always a new story to tell – a new hot industry, new hot companies, especially if in a new technology. And the game moves to a different location.

    The main point here is that even if investors “rationally” analyze the biased information and forecasts, their subsequent behavior will not be any different than “irrational” investors who follow trends created by the biases and asymmetries of the financial information.

    UNDERPRICING RISK AND FAULTY MARKETS

    An important part of the information used to make investment decisions is forecasts. Yet the analytical tools used to forecast, and also price financial instruments, are defective. They are mostly based on a normal distribution of price movements and related linear regression models. Normal distribution models underestimate the probability of a large downward movement in stock prices. The market has much more risk (volatility) than the models indicate. Some of the studies and statistics are summarized in Benoit Mandelbrot, The (Mis)Behavior of Markets. This conclusion has been popularized in the best-seller, Nassim Taleb’s Fooled by Randomness.

    A recent example was the credit default swap market. The pricing of credit default swaps in the 2000s was based on a correlation model that assumed away the possibility of defaults! Since AIG thought there was no risk of actually paying off for defaults, it underpriced the credit swaps and could not afford to hedge its positions. The resulting defaults of derivatives and investment companies led to the bankruptcy of the largest insurance company in the world.

    There are some markets that cannot be forecasted. The bond market is bigger than the stock market. Yet economists cannot forecast interest rates and thus the movement of bond prices. The mortgage market cannot be forecasted. The future cash flows of variable rate mortgages are highly uncertain and fixed rate mortgages can be refinanced. Thus the future cash flows of mortgage-backed securities cannot be forecasted. Uncertainty is compounded by leverage in buying mortgage-backed securities  (MBSs), the creation of derivatives based on MBSs, and default risk.

    INDEX FUNDS VERSUS MANAGED FUNDS AND PICKING STOCKS:  INFORMATION AND IGNORANCE

    Financial markets are information rich. According to economic theory, prices should reflect this information. The pricing mechanism should be very efficient, summarizing the analysis of the large amount of data. But most individual investors and many institutional investors such as pension fund trustees are totally ignorant of financial markets and incapable of interpreting and analyzing financial data. What to do?

    1) Pay someone else to analyze data and pick stocks. (Managed funds)

    2) Buy index funds and index ETFs.

    An index fund like the S&P 500 ignores the problem of picking good stocks and buys the entire stock market. Stocks in the index are weighted by their total market value (in the jargon, called “market cap,” short for market capitalization). So the index buys 10 times as much of a stock with a market cap of $100 billion than another stock with a market cap of $10 billion. The index has to adjust the weights as the relative market caps change.

    Indexes tend to be dominated by very large companies and rapidly growing technology companies with high and rising P/E ratios. Before the 2008-2009 crash, indexes were dominated by financial companies. Six of the top ten market cap companies in the S&P 500 are tech companies. Currently (2018), the eight companies in the world with the highest market cap are all information technology companies.

    “Buying the market” (index funds) rather than individual stocks is a strategy for totally ignorant investors. Much of the increase in money going into the stock market after the 2008-2009 crash has gone into index funds and index ETFs. All that investors have to assume (believe) is that the real economy will grow, total profits and earnings per share (EPS) will thus increase, and that most if not all stock prices will rise as a consequence. Investors can ignore the competitive strategies and financial performance of individual companies, industry analysis, monetary and fiscal policies, and global and macroeconomic trends.

    And total ignorance works. A great deal of statistical evidence indicates that index funds outperform over 90% of managed funds over long periods of time. They also have lower costs – no expensive analysis costs. Managed fund managers also tend to take greater risks and create leverage (invest with borrowed funds in additional to investors’ money) to offset higher costs and achieve higher rates of return than index funds. Because of greater leverage, greater risk, and high costs, managed funds tend to do poorly in stock market downturns. Many “blow up” (go out of business).

    Index funds work because in the long run the economy does grow, total profits of public companies rise, and most stock prices go up. As more money goes into index funds, the funds must buy more of all of the stocks in the fund. The whole market goes up and the index funds prosper. 

    All of this also benefits managed funds. Experienced fund managers with access to all past and current financial and economic data, data and trend analysis programs, and proprietary models should be able to outperform the market in such an environment. But they do not. Why?

    They are making decisions based on biased and misleading information.

    There is a problem of too much information that is hard to analyze. For example, many companies no longer release an annual report. Instead, they send their stockholders (and analysts) their 10-k, which is the annual report they have to file with the government’s Securities and Exchange Commission (the SEC). These are incredibly detailed reports with small type that go on typically for 100-150 pages. Most of the content is unimportant or irrelevant. (This is the mushroom effect. How do you raise mushrooms?  Keep them in the dark and pile manure on them.) 

    They tend to buy companies with rapidly rising sales and profits. These companies also have high and rising P/E ratios during the innovative, rapid growth phase, increasing the rise in the stock price. As these innovative companies mature, their growth slows down. Profit growth also slows down or stops. P/E ratios fall. The result is a drop in their stock price, often large, followed by mediocre stock performance. Many of these companies are attacked by smaller companies developing or using newer technology.

    Companies like IBM, Microsoft, Intel, and Oracle were innovative growth companies, are now large and profitable, but have been lousy stock investments for a long time. The large percentage increase in their stock prices in 2017 and early 2018 looks similar to the large runup in their prices in 1999, just before the dotcom market crash of 2000-2002.

    Professional investors cannot predict “phase transitions” in industry technology or organization, or in the underlying economy. Just as it is difficult to predict the winners developing a new technology, it is difficult to predict the losers they will replace. It is the winners, not the losers, that make it into the indexes.

    Managed funds do a lot of trading – buying and selling stocks in their portfolio. They try to time their trades with major moves in the stock market. This is difficult to do. Very few investment professionals ever predict market downturns.

    Some managed funds buy a subset of large, mature companies. A diversified portfolio of about 30 stocks reduces risk almost as much as a total market index. Their economic performance as a group will be about the same as the large, mature companies in the index funds. With about the same sales and profit growth over time, the subsets in the managed funds should have long-term stock price increases about the same as the market. But at a higher cost.

    On average, about 60-70% of an individual stock’s price movement will be correlated to the price movement of the whole market. So, much of the movement of stocks in a managed funds will move with the market, especially a managed fund dominated by large companies with large market capitalization.

    Some large cap companies are so diversified that they are a diversified portfolio in themselves. Johnson & Johnson could represent much of the pharmaceutical and health care industry. Parker Hannifin could be a proxy for investing in cyclical industrial companies. Companies like Google and Celgene buy or invest in new and small technology companies in their industries, almost like a venture capital company. Many large companies not only have a diversified business but are also multinational corporations, a proxy for investing outside the United States.

    Some managed funds concentrate on innovative companies. The problem is that many new tech and startup companies fail; their stock prices will go to zero. Many did in the 2000-2002 dotcom market downturn. They took a lot of managed funds down with them.

    As discussed throughout these tutorials, an important factor for the success of a startup is the drive, determination, focus, and strategy of the founders/entrepreneurs. It is hard for an outsider like an investment manager to evaluate the intelligence, dedication, and personality of the founders.

    Outside analysts and investors do not have the key information they need to evaluate a company – the internal detailed proprietary knowledge responsible for the competitive advantage causing sales and profit growth.

    Most stocks, including those of the large, mature companies that tend to dominate index funds tend to go up and down (are correlated) with the overall market. There may be individual exceptions because of company-specific events but as a group they heavily influence (account for) overall stock market changes. There is no need to try to pick individual stocks among this group. 

    Often, one sector drives the market – IT and Internet stocks in the 1990s, finance in the 2000s, and technology in the 2010s. It is hard to pick winners early and the timing of the downturn is also unpredictable. Index funds ride through the downturn and are there for the next upturn fueled by innovative companies in new sectors and industries.

    There are internal dynamics of the stock market. Companies increase dividends, buy back their stock, and do mergers and acquisitions. All these moves can increase the price of an individual stock; collectively, they increase the value of the entire stock market. Index funds automatically benefit. Managed funds often do not.

    Picking stocks to outperform the market critically depends on predicting growth rates in expected EPS for years into the future. Any forecast will be highly uncertain and subject to large errors.

    In conclusion, the stock market is not a random walk (impossible to forecast) or the result of irrational, emotional behavior by investors and money managers. Professional money managers seldom “beat the market” because of uncertain forecasts, the domination of mature companies, the difficulty of outsiders to pick innovative winners, and incomplete and misleading data. 

    I recommend reading Burton Malkiel, A Random Walk Down Wall Street. Revised and Updated Edition, 2007. Professor Malkiel was associated with Vanguard for a long time. Earlier editions of this book were an argument for the index fund approach to investing made popular by Vanguard. This edition gives a more balanced approach than earlier editions.


    INSIDER INFORMATION:  PROFITING FROM ASYMMETRIC INFORMATION

    Financial markets are rife with insider information. Inside information is a classic example of asymmetrical information, where insiders can profit at the benefit of investors not yet knowing the information. Sometimes insiders use their information and position to manipulate prices, such as the massive LIBOR price-fixing scandal. 

    Many foreign markets are insider markets, where locals can conspire to manipulate and fix prices, especially at the expense of foreign investors. This is similar to what U.S. markets were like before the reforms of the 1930s.

    FINANCIAL MARKETS AND MORAL HAZARD

    Conservatives argue that deregulation of financial markets leads to innovation and more efficient markets. The first part is true; many new financial instruments and new types of financial companies have been created. The implication of the second part is that because of more competition prices in financial markets quickly adjust to something approaching “fundamental value” or, in economic jargon, equilibrium. The basic problem is that the first effect works against the second effect.

    The problem is moral hazard, an idea that says that individuals like managers and owners of financial institutions will take more risk if someone else (the U.S. government and taxpayers) pays the price of failure. 

    This happened in the savings and loan crisis of the late 1980s. The industry was deregulated so that S&L managers could make riskier loans at higher interest rates but deposits were still federally insured. So the more aggressive banks offered higher interest rates on deposits, took in a lot of money, and made a lot of high-risk bets, including illegal loans to insiders. They lost. Half of the S&Ls went bankrupt and it cost U.S. taxpayers over $130 billion in losses on bad loans.

    Deposit insurance is one source of moral hazard. Another is that the two largest players in the mortgage market, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, had the implicit guarantee of the government. A third source is the “too big to fail” doctrine, already invoked in a big bank rescue in the 1980s. Combined with that is the idea of “systemic risk,” which implies that if a financial institution failed, even if it wasn’t a bank or “too big to fail,” it might set off a chain reaction that would threaten the collapse of the entire financial system. This is what happened with the failure of Long-Term Capital Management in 1998. 

    EXTREME RISK AND TOO BIG TO FAIL:  LONG-TERM CAPITAL MANAGEMENT (LTCM)

    In the 1990s, the company with the most sophisticated models and trading strategies was Long-Term Capital Management. Its partners included the former head of bond trading at Solomon and two Nobel Prize winners for their work in financial models (Myron Scholes and Robert Merton). Its strategy was based on reversion to the mean of the difference in the prices of a large number of supposedly unrelated financial instruments, another correlation model. But in the global financial crisis environment of 1998, the difference in prices moved in the opposite direction of historical behavior partly because of a “run to safety” in buying U.S. Treasuries. Spreads between Treasuries and other instruments increased instead of the expected decrease. This, plus enormous leverage based on underestimating risk, led to a massive bankruptcy. Only a huge infusion of capital from other firms, made under pressure from the Fed, averted a financial crisis.

    LTCM was a hedge fund so the government had no legal obligation to intervene. It also wasn’t that large in terms of capital invested. But it was very highly leveraged, meaning it had borrowed a huge amount of money (about 30 times its invested capital) and had over $100 billion of assets and liabilities on its balance sheet. If it failed, its lenders and counterparties to financial contracts would take a huge hit; it was believed that some credit markets might even freeze up (become illiquid). The Fed decided that this was too big a risk to take and forced nine major banks to chip in over $3 billion to carry the assets. LTCM was liquidated and its positions were eventually sold. But it established a precedent that a threat to financial markets, not necessarily the size of the company or the legal obligation of the government, might be a reason for the government to bailout a company. And the threat to financial markets was rapidly increasing as all large financial institutions increased their leverage in the 1990s and 2000s, many to the 30-1 ratio of LTCM. They were using borrowed funds to buy and trade inherently risky mortgage-based bonds and derivatives.

    BIASED INFORMATION, FRAUD, EXTREME RISK, AND TOO BIG TO FAIL:  THE SUBPRIME MORTGAGE MARKET CRASH OF 2007-2009

    After the Dotcom market bust of 2000-2002, the market continued upward, fueled by tremendous gains in the financial markets. Financial firms had found a great new business – securitizing mortgages and other debt instruments and selling bonds and other derivatives based on the cash flow of the underlying assets. At the foundation of this was a huge increase in subprime mortgages and mortgage refinancing. Many of the subprime mortgages were blatantly fraudulent or certain to go into default. But banks and other financial institutions were able to sell pyramids of derivatives many times greater, and more profitable, than the original issuance of mortgages. These markets were totally unregulated. (To understand how all this happened, see the movie The Big Short and read Explaining Derivatives – An Analogy after this essay.)

    The subprime mortgage business was a con game from the start. Mortgage brokers and loan officers at sketchy banks used deceptive and often fraudulent methods to originate subprime loans. Mortgage and mortgage-baked securities (MBSs) risk analysts at some banks and investment banks, the credit rating agencies, and Fannie Mae knew that there would be a high rate of default after the low “teaser” rates ran out. In loftier language, Alan Greenspan warned in 1994 that there was a good possibility of a housing bubble and massive defaults of mortgages.

    The problem was how to sell these “junk” mortgages. In a rational market, investors in subprime mortgages and their MBSs should have received high rates of return to balance the high risks of default. Not to be. If banks kept the mortgages, they could be financed by low-cost short-term borrowing. Why low cost? Because throughout most of the 2000s, the Fed kept short-term interest rates low. The prime rate was below 2% for three years.

    But banks sold most of subprime mortgages to other financial institutions that would securitize the mortgages into bonds backed by the monthly payments of the mortgage holders. The bonds should have paid a high rate of return. But they didn’t. The reason was that these mortgages and their derivatives were laundered. The financial industry, with the connivance of credit rating agencies that were paid by the banks, turned bundles of high-risk mortgages into bundles of investment-grade (low-risk) bonds. Then the riskier parts of these bundles were turned into new derivatives that were also rated as investment grade. By labeling these securities as investment grade, this greatly increased the pool of potential institutional buyers such as pension funds. Mortgage origination fees, underwriting fees, selling fees and trading commissions were enormous.

    But who bought these instruments? At the height of the subprime boom, large purchasers were Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. In the past, both companies would have automatically rejected subprime mortgages. They didn’t even have models to evaluate these types of mortgages. As companies with de facto government guarantees, they were obligated to only buy and securitize high quality, low-risk mortgages. But under political and industry pressure, and loss of market share, they became major buyers of subprimes and sold mortgage-backed bonds at rates slightly higher than U.S. government bonds. Massive defaults led to the bankruptcy of both companies, which were taken over by the federal government. For political reasons, most of the losses were not borne by the bondholders such as the Chinese government but by U.S. taxpayers.

    So the consequence of deregulation was not diversifying risk and self-equilibrating financial markets but accelerating systemic risk underwritten by moral hazard. How could it be otherwise? Selling greater volumes of increasingly riskier assets meant huge increases in salaries and bonuses. What did mortgage originators and managers of banks, investment banks and hedge funds care if they were creating higher levels of risk that could bring down their companies or the entire financial system? Increased leverage meant increased profits and increased bonuses. Fraud was rampant. Regulators were either clueless (SEC) or ignored their feelings that a crash was coming (Greenspan). Most deals were private so that even the hope of “free market discipline” was missing. Best of all, there were huge pools of funds run by unsophisticated trustees (asymmetric information) to finance the whole thing. Wall Street’s attitude was nicely summarized in a line from the movie The Magnificent Seven, “If God didn’t want them sheared, He wouldn’t have made them sheep.”

    Will it happen again? Of course. The financial reform bill is a joke, nothing more than a political CYA crafted by the same politicians that helped create the mess. But the Congressional hearings were good theater as every member of Congress repeated a variation of the cynical line from the movie Casablanca, “I am shocked, shocked, to find out that gambling is going on in here!”

    As part of its attempt to save the financial industry from imploding, the government brokered a number of “shotgun” mergers between large financial institutions. A small number of banks are now much larger than before the bailouts. They really are “too big to fail.” They are more dominant, gaining market share. They are also closely tied to the large hedge funds and private equity firms, which gives these private, unregulated companies some government protection. And, in a delicious irony, Goldman Sachs, a major private derivatives and trading investment bank, has applied to become a commercial bank so that FDIC can protect some of their creditors. The idea that American taxpayers are providing insurance to Goldman Sachs’ creditors, which include hedge funds, is moral hazard with a vengeance.

    Government bailouts went way beyond the usual targets, to include insurance companies, General Motors’ and Chrysler’s financial arms, and GE Capital. There is delicious irony in the bailout of GE Capital. GE Capital is part of General Electric (GE), one of the largest corporations in the world. For many years, GE has paid no U.S. corporate income tax.

    A last, major example of moral hazard. Public and private pension funds have made risky investments and lost. So what? The public pension funds must have a certain level of assets in the future. So future taxpayers will pay more in taxes and receive fewer services. And $60 billion of unfunded liabilities in private pension funds are guaranteed by the government.

    Large financial firms can expect public bailouts and subsidies when they “blow-up” but investors cannot. So financial firms can take excessive risks with investors’ money to earn large fees. It is only when they start to believe their own propaganda that the financial instruments they sell are really not as risky as they are, and begin holding the securities in their own portfolios, that financial institutions risk bankruptcy.

    What this means is that in the future just about any company remotely related to finance can expect a bailout. There are no market restraints on risk left. The U.S. government is now underwriting the entire financial industry, no matter how reckless. And every risk-taking gunslinger in the future knows it.

    CONCLUSIONS

    Analytical tools and analysts are biased producing biased information and forecasts.

    Statistical models underestimate risk. Risk is underpriced and uncertainty cannot be modeled. Combined with the upward bias in public information, this creates higher percent growth of financial prices in “normal” times followed by periodic “blow-ups” in financial markets.

    Moral hazard allows investment managers to take great risks since they know that the government or taxpayers will underwrite large losses.
    The information and knowledge that most professionals possess does not give them an advantage over the total ignorance of investing in passive index funds. They cannot “beat the market.”

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    EXPLAINING DERIVATIVES – AN ANALOGY

    You go around to farmers with cows. You buy all the cows and pay the farmers a small fee to milk the cows and sell the milk. You pay for the cows with ass(et)-backed securities called MBSs (Milked Bovine Securities) that you tell investors are udderly safe. But some of the cows don’t give enough milk (cow flow problem) or give no milk at all. You take some of the asset-backed securities, say they’re backed by the subprime cows, and use them as collateral to sell another set of securities called CMOs (Cow Milk Obligations). Then you buy CDSs (Cow Dried-up Swaps) from AIG (Angus Insurance Company) to insure the CMOs when the cows stopped giving milk. If you work it right, you collect more on the CDSs than you pay out to retire the CMOs. The money you get from selling the dead cows go to pay the CLOs (cow leather obligations).

    You could also sell CDOs (cow dung obligations) that depend on how much cow dung is produced. This is a typical Wall Street product – turning shit into gold.