Tag: NAFTA

  • A Note on the Geopolitics of Oil

    A Note on the Geopolitics of Oil

    Saudi Oil Minister

    BACKGROUND INFORMATION

    Oil is measured in barrels.

    A barrel is 42 gallons.

    Total global daily production is around 96-97 million barrels/day.

    Saudi Arabia, Russia and the United States all produce around 10
    million barrels a day.  With their
    allies, these three countries account for close to 40% of global production.

    Because of the improved technology of shale oil
    production, U.S. output has gone up almost 5 million barrels/day since 2008.

    Currently, total global production is greater than total demand by
    somewhere between one and three million barrels/day.

    There are record amounts of oil in storage.

    A small percentage increase of supply over demand has led to a
    large decrease in price.

    In the fall of 2014, a barrel of oil cost about $100/barrel.  Last month the price fell to around
    $30/barrel.  Since then, it has rallied
    to around $40/barrel.

    THE ECONOMICS AND GEOPOLITICS OF OIL

    The economies of seventeen countries critically depend on oil
    production and the price of exported oil.  Many others, like Brazil and Mexico, partly depends on oil exports.

    It has been a year and a half since the price of oil began to
    fall.  Many countries are now in
    recession.  Government revenues, mostly
    dependent on oil sales, have fallen drastically and budgets are showing large
    deficits.  In some countries, including Venezuela and Nigeria, the situation is serious enough to threaten the stability of the
    country.

    Given global inelastic demand, a small percent decrease in global
    supply, around 3%, would lead to a large increase in price, probably around
    60-100%.  All countries, including Saudi
    Arabia, would be economically better off. 
    Many other oil producers, but not Iran, have called for lower
    production.  So why hasn’t it happened?

    Saudi Arabia and its Persian Gulf allies have had a number of objectives
    in pumping out a record level of oil and watching the drastic fall in price:

    •         Punish Iran, a Shia rival for power in the Persian Gulf and
      throughout the Arab world.  Saudi Arabia
      is Sunni.
    •         Punish Russia for supporting Iran and then Syria.
    •         Stop the growth of shale oil production in the United States.
    •         Drastically reduce the level of global capital investment in oil.
    •         Reduce production of high cost oil by making it unprofitable
      to continue production.

    Two geopolitical changes in the last 18 months have hardened Saudi
    Arabia’s determination to produce record amounts of oil:

                        Lifting of economic sanctions
    against Iran

    Saudi anger at the U.S. in
    supporting the end of sanctions.

              Russian military intervention
    supporting the Shia regime in Syria

    Both events strengthened Saudi Arabia’s intentions of punishing
    Russia, the United States, and Iran by keeping production at record levels and prices
    low.  If Saudi Arabia and their Gulf
    allies agreed to reduce production and prices rose, the U.S., Iran, and Russia
    would benefit.

    THE SAUDIS MISCALCULATE

    The Saudis have not succeeded in meeting their goals as much or as
    quickly as they expected.  The overall
    strategy was to force other countries to cut back production of unprofitable
    oil and the Saudis and their allies would benefit from their high output and
    higher prices.

    They miscalculated.  Like
    Saudi Arabia, most of the oil is pumped by government-owned or government-controlled
    companies.  They don’t care about
    profits, only revenue.  Government oil
    companies are a source of power, employment, patronage and corruption.  Except in the extreme where less revenue
    threatens the regime, these countries have no incentive to reduce output.  A substantial reduction will lead to higher
    market prices; other countries or companies will maintain or increase
    output.  Without widespread cooperation,
    the end result will be the same total output and the same low prices, except
    the countries that reduced output will lose market share and end up with even
    less revenue.

    The only hope is that major producers, both OPEC and non-OPEC, can
    get together and agree to a collective reduction in production.  A meeting is scheduled in Qatar on April 17.  Saudi Arabia and Russia say they will attend
    the meeting; U.S. oil companies probably won’t. 

    Iran won’t attend and says it will increase production regardless
    of what other producers do.  They have
    softened their position by recently saying that if they are allowed to increase
    production to some unspecified level, they will stop any further increase in
    production.

    What changed?  Why is Saudi
    Arabia signaling it might reduce output?

    Internal pressures.  Fragile society with suppressed
    tensions.  Kept together by a huge social
    welfare system financed by oil revenue.  The
    Saudi government is running a large budget deficit which is rapidly reducing its sovereign wealth fund that finances the lost revenue.

    Saudi would be the “last man standing” but it
    might be a Pyrrhic victory.  The price
    might be too high.

    The Russian economy is really hurting.  A continuation of low prices for oil and
    natural gas could eventually threaten Putin’s power.

    Clear signal to Saudis that they want, or need,
    an end to low prices.  Given the
    continuing economic pain at home, Putin appears willing to cooperate with Saudi Arabia – the geopolitical rival of its client states in the Middle East – in exchange for a stable domestic economy and increased government
    revenues at home.

    A third miscalculation.  U.S.
    shale production hasn’t gone down anywhere near as much or as fast as the
    Saudis expected.  Two reasons:

    Private companies look to marginal costs and
    shutdown expenses, not average cost, in deciding whether to continue
    production.  Reacting to low prices, they
    have lowered their costs and reduced their losses. 
    American drillers adapted to lower prices by shutting down low-producing wells, using new technology to increase output per well, reducing drilling costs by drilling deeper and faster with fewer workers, and forcing suppliers to reduce their prices to producers.

    Until first quarter of 2016, many oil producers
    had locked in higher selling prices through futures contracts.

    American oil executives are saying that in the better shale oil
    areas, new wells can be profitable at $30/barrel.  Oil experts believe that at $45-$50/barrel, total
    U.S. shale production will stop falling. 
    Above $50/barrel, U.S. shale oil production will increase again. 

    Some countries may not cut production as promised.  U.S. shale producers can offset a reduction
    in total supply.  In that sense, the
    U.S., not Saudi Arabia, has become the swing producer.

    Both U.S. and global inventory are at record levels.  Even if production falls three million
    barrels a day, inventory drawdowns can make up most or all of the
    decrease.  Total supply would
    remain at current high levels and prices would fall again.

    THE RECENT PRICE INCREASE

    The futures market and speculators have driven the price of oil
    from around $30/barrel to $40/barrel. 
    Little has changed from the underlying supply/demand balance that drove
    the price from $100/barrel to $30/barrel. 
    Why the increase?

    Speculators look ahead.  Like
    gamblers at a roulette wheel, they pick a number and “puts down their money and
    takes their chances.”   They are betting
    that the major oil producers have reached the panic point and will agree to
    reduce production on April 17.  They are also covering short positions  These actions increased the world price of oil.  But, as the
    above comments indicate, only temporarily.


    THE UNITED STATES:  NAFTA IS THE NEW OPEC


    The United States is poised to become the world’s largest producer of oil and possibly  the world’s largest exporter of refined oil products. Combined with a fall in domestic demand for refined oil products because of electric and hybrid vehicles, the United States could become a net exporter. All of America’s remaining import needs could be filled by Canada and Mexico. Already, the United States does not need any Middle East oil. One reason for past American involvement in the Middle East no longer exists. The main economic reason for an alliance with Saudi Arabia no longer exists.


    The United States controls the technology of shale production. This technology is vital to opening new fields and recovering residual oil in old fields. It is also a geopolitical weapon. Currently, U.S. sanctions against Russia includes withholding oil drilling technology. 

    Related, the United States is already self-sufficient in natural gas, exporting to Mexico, and building liquid natural gas (LNG) plants for export. To reduce dependence on Russia, Poland and Lithuania are building LNG receiving plants. Poland is considering a pipeline from its LNG plant to Ukraine. The United States, plus new natural gas finds in the Mediterranean and shale fields in Poland and Ukraine, could replace much of the Russian exports to Europe.   

    CONCLUSION 

    The geopolitics of oil complicates the economics of oil. Inelastic demand for oil implies that a small percentage decrease in output will lead to a large percentage increase in price and revenue. But geopolitical rivalries make cooperation difficult and probably temporary.  Some of these rivalries have an overlay of intense religious or historical animosity. Virtually every OPEC member has a history of cheating on production quotas. And now any reduction agreement can be countered by increased output in the United States, Canada, and Mexico.

    Oil prices are the result of a complicated interaction of political and economic factors.  Oil buys power and influence.  Saudi Arabia is betting that they can use their oil policy to reassert some control over the tangled conflicts in the Middle East.  Russia hopes that oil and natural gas exports will fuel domestic political stability and geopolitical ambitions. Oil and natural gas exports to Europe are Russia’s most effective foreign policy weapons. Ironically, both countries’ ambitions are at the mercy of increased output and technological improvements in American shale oil production.


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    For further reading, see

    https://politicaleconomicsprof.com/2015/11/saudi-arabia-oil-and-geopolitics.html

    https://politicaleconomicsprof.com/2015/09/energy-and-geopolitics-ii-world-ex.html

    https://politicaleconomicsprof.com/2015/09/energy-and-geopolitics-i-united-states.html

    https://politicaleconomicsprof.com/2015/04/the-russian-economy-and-geopolitics-of.html

    https://politicaleconomicsprof.com/2015/04/the-death-of-opec-sheikh-rattle-and-roil.html

    https://politicaleconomicsprof.com/2015/01/changing-oil-prices-different.html

    https://politicaleconomicsprof.com/2014/12/cheaper-oil-winners-and-losers.html

    For excellent ongoing analysis of the geopolitics and economics of
    the global and national oil markets, see
    http://oilprice.com.

    The classic book on the history of the global oil industry and the
    rise of OPEC is Daniel Yergin, The Prize.

  • Energy and Geopolitics II:  The World ex-United States

    Energy and Geopolitics II: The World ex-United States

    Middle East Oil Wells

    OVERVIEW

    Outside of the United States and Canada, most of the world’s
    oil and natural gas is owned and produced by governments or
    government-dominated companies with minority shareholders. Two examples of the
    latter, public companies with stockholders, are Petrobras in Brazil and Gazprom
    in Russia.  But government officials,
    especially the president, control management and make the important decisions.

    Production and investment decisions are not made based on
    financial criteria alone.  Often,
    internal political or foreign geopolitical factors are more important. Many countries’ economies and government budgets depend critically on oil and natual gas revenue from exports. Maintaining internal peace and welfare programs are more important than rational economic considerations.

    What this means is that production and distribution
    decisions in these countries are made using different criteria than by private
    companies in the United States and Canada. Producing and exporting oil and natural gas are mostly political
    decisions. Petrostates like Russia, Brazil, Venezuela, Nigeria,
    Algeria and other countries in the Middle East and Africa have not used their
    oil and gas revenue to industrialize or diversify their economies.  Generating revenue for government, not profits for investment, is the main
    concern of these countries.  

    For many countries, exporting oil or natural gas (and other
    commodities) is the major source of hard currency revenue and government
    income.  Domestic spending, importing
    consumer goods, government social welfare and subsidy programs, foreign policy
    and even internal stability and corruption depend on commodity export
    earnings. As does servicing foreign
    borrowing, which has grown rapidly in the last six years. 

    With much greater potential supply of oil and natural gas
    because of new discoveries and innovative production technology, and growing
    substitutes, no one country or small group of countries will be able to control global
    supply or price.

    Among the fossil fuels, the long run outlook (20 years) of
    natural gas appears to be the best.  Even
    without the fall in natural gas prices, the global trend away from coal to gas to generate power will likely
    continue and increase demand for gas. In Asia, however, both coal and natural gas production are increasing because of the huge increase in the demand for electricity.  

    Massive increases in profitable
    reserves and technological changes in production and distribution will
    permanently bring down prices of natural gas in high-cost areas like Asia and
    Europe. LNG, more tankers and interconnect pipelines will make the global
    gas market more integrated, more like the global oil market.

    Three new potential major producers of natural gas are
    Argentina, Bangladesh and Egypt.  Qatar
    and Australia have completed and can expand large new LNG complexes. Some of Qatar’s new gas revenue is supporting Sunni fundamentalist
    groups in Syria and Iraq.

    Substitutes for oil and gas should be cost competitive in
    the near future.  Solar, especially
    decentralized solar on buildings, will continue to grow rapidly as the
    technology improves and the costs keep coming down.  Adoption of solar
    will accelerate if battery storage costs come down and countries don’t have to
    build or expand electricity plants and grids. 
    Solar panel costs are falling rapidly and Elon Musk says his new lithium
    battery plant in Nevada will reduce storage costs by 30%.  Wind turbine currently depends on subsidies
    but there is some new technology that may eliminate the gigantic windmills
    (375 feet high) and lower costs.  

    Many countries are looking at nuclear
    again because of major advancements in technology and safety.  
    There are currently 437 nuclear power reactors operating worldwide. 60 more are under construction, another 165 are planned, and 331 more are proposed.  The number of nuclear power plants in the world could easily double in the next two decades. China alone plans to build 46 new ones by 2020.  Japan, which paid $270 billion to import fossil fuels (mostly natural gas) in 2013, currently plans to start up 15 shut-down nuclear power plants.  On the other hand, Germany is shutting down the last of its 17 nuclear power plants, substituting solar and wind (interruptible) backed by gas.

    Other sources of energy beyond the use of fossil fuels are
    being researched and developed in laboratories.

    The key is how long oil and gas prices stay at current
    levels and what the new equilibrium prices will be.  This is not just
    an economic question.  Domestic policies,
    like China’s and America’s policies to reduce carbon emissions from coal, and
    geopolitics will play key roles.  Also,
    there will be major shifts in where oil and gas are produced, who exports, new
    technology and the expanding importance of substitutes.  

    THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN

    Huge new natural gas fields have been discovered in the
    eastern Mediterranean.  The largest so
    far are in the coastal waters of Israel, Gaza, Egypt and Cyprus.  The fields may extend north to Greece, Lebanon
    and Syria.  Israel, now self-sufficient
    in natural gas, could supply Palestine and Jordan. Pipelines could be built
    from Israel, Gaza and Egypt to Cyprus and then another set to Greece, which
    would connect into the proposed integrated pipeline systems of central Europe
    and, through Austria, to the rest of Europe.  Or a pipeline could be built to connect with the large pipeline running through Turkey to Europe.  South-Central European countries could eliminate their almost complete
    dependence on Russian natural gas and threaten “reverse flow” to Ukraine.  Egypt already has an LNG plant and other
    producers could construct them, expanding their geographical market for their
    gas.

    If this occurred, it would be a tremendous economic boon to
    all the countries involved.  So what’s
    the problem?  Geopolitics.  There are countries involved that don’t like
    each other.  To say the least.  Besides Israel and Gaza, Cyprus is divided
    into Turkish and Greek areas.  Would the
    economic benefits be great enough to overcome political rivalries, many based
    on long-standing hatred and conflict?

    RUSSIA AND EUROPE

    Russia is Europe’s largest external source of oil and
    natural gas.  Europe is Russia’s largest
    customer for both.  But the conflict in
    Ukraine has changed the geopolitics.  Russia
    may pay a very high economic price for its intervention in Ukraine.  

    It is also one reason that I don’t think Russia will invade
    and conquer the whole country, as Putin has threaten to do.  Or even increase destabilization pressure.  Europe would expand sanctions, look to new
    sources of energy and accelerate programs to import less Russian oil and
    gas. 

    While these policies will probably have little short-run
    effect on the volume of Russian exports of oil and gas to Europe, a longer-run
    combination of lower prices and less volume would have serious economic
    consequences for the Russian economy. 
    Since Putin’s and his successors’ political popularity in Russia partly
    depends on continuing the high rates of economic growth and standards of living
    made possible by increased revenue from energy and commodity exports, pursuing
    an aggressive or confrontational policy against Ukraine and Europe could have
    serious domestic consequences for the current and future Russian governments.    

    Under U.S. pressure, Europe has imposed some economic
    sanctions on Russia, the most effective being that Russian companies cannot
    access European financial markets.  As
    loans come due, the companies, many of which are government owned or
    controlled, have to borrow hard currency from the Russian government.  Russia’s foreign reserves of hard currency
    are shrinking.  Over half are committed
    to future retirement costs, although the fund can be raided. 

    New internal capital to modernize old fields and develop new
    fields is not available.  Global bond
    markets are closed.  Russia’s response
    has been to relax rules limiting foreign investment in Russian oil and gas.

    In addition, Europe is beginning to institute actions that
    will reduce its dependence on Russian oil and natural gas, which means lower
    export earnings for Russia regardless of the change in energy prices.

    Europe has large natural gas reserves but will not develop
    them quickly because of political opposition, lack of infrastructure and more
    difficult drilling geology than the U.S. 

    RUSSIA AND CHINA

    China imports more oil than does the United States. Before the tariff batlle, China was importing more U.S. crude oil.  China is about to become a major importer of natural gas as it substitutes gas for domestic coal production.  So China has joined the United States as a large market on the demand side.


    Russia is now China’s largest supplier of oil.

    Russia’s president Vladimir Putin has his own “pivot towards
    Asia.”  Russia’s main market for oil and
    natural gas is Europe.  With the
    expectation that sales will be lower in the future and that older fields are
    declining in production, Putin has turned to China for capital investment and
    as a major export market.  China plans on
    substituting natural gas (and other energy sources) for its dependence on coal
    (cough, cough).  Russia has a huge new
    field in eastern Siberia it wants to develop. 
    The cost is somewhere between $55 billion and $100 billion.  Russia doesn’t have the capital and can’t
    raise it in western financial markets because of the economic sanctions.  So, apparently, the deal is that China
    supplies part of the capital and agrees to take the production for the next 30
    years.  Although secret, apparently at a
    low price.  Russia originally announced
    that sales to China would bring in $400 billion over the 30 years but that was
    before the large drop in the price of natural gas, especially in Asia, and the
    reality that there will be a lot more natural gas available from other sources.

    Russia is now encouraging China and other Asian countries to
    invest in Siberian oil and gas.  Knowing
    that Russia has used oil and gas exports as a geopolitical weapon against
    Ukraine, Europe, Georgia, Serbia and Armenia, potential investors in China,
    Japan and South Korea have to be worried about the political consequences of
    becoming too dependent on Russian oil and gas. 
    And having their investments expropriated by future Russian government.

    There is another complication.  China is rapidly extending its influence into
    the old Soviet republics in central Asia. 
    China has offered economic aid, including railroads and natural gas
    pipelines connecting China and central Asian republics.  One of the world’s largest natural gas fields
    is in Turkmenistan; this is where Russia gets some of the natural gas it sells
    to Europe.  There are other possible gas fields.  All of this creates the potential for
    geopolitical rivalry between Russia and China in the area.

    China also borders Kazakhstan, another former Soviet
    republic.  Kazakhstan is a large oil
    producer and has the potential to produce more. 
    Russia sees Kazakhstan as in its sphere of influence.  The president of Kazakhstan was the Communist
    boss of the republic when it broke away in 1991.  The Chinese, however, have made a number of
    proposals that would divert some of Kazakhstan’s oil to China.  Russia is not happy about this prospect.

    In the long run, this policy could create
    serious geopolitical problems for Russia.  Supplying China with cheap
    oil and gas while China expands its influence in Central Asia and renews its
    claims (legitimate) on eastern Siberia is a dangerous policy.  But that
    will someone else’s problems, not Putin.

    OPEC

    OPEC has been ineffectual as an oil cartel, probably since 1985 when Saudi Arabia cut production with disastrous results.  Iraq has invaded both Iran and Kuwait to grab large oil fields.  Saudi Arabia and Iran are deadly enemies and compete to dominate the Persian Gulf region (and Islam).  Many of the oil exporting states have seen civil wars and declining production.  OPEC’s exports and net exports have been declining while global production is rising. 

    OPEC’s control has also been eroded by the growth and development of oil production in non-OPEC countries, even before shale.  What shale does is greatly increase potential global oil production in non-OPEC countries if prices rise.  Maybe even more important, shale oil greatly increases oil reserves outside of OPEC countries.  Before shale, a high percent of the proven reserves in the world were in OPEC countries, mostly in the Middle East.  This implied that OPEC’s market power would last a long time.  No longer.

    NAFTA

    NAFTA (The U.S., Canada and Mexico) is the new OPEC.  Almost all of the net increase in global oil
    production since 2007 has come from NAFTA countries.  Future increases in oil production will come
    mostly from American and Canadian fracking, and deep-water rigs in the Gulf of
    Mexico.

    NAFTA is the new OPEC also in the sense that the American
    and Canada companies, using fracking technology, can react quicker to changes
    in global supply and demand, and subsequent price changes.  New technology, better management and organization, and large cost reductions because of low prices have reduced the break-even cost of shale oil and gas.

    The best oil fields in the United States have marginal costs
    of pumping out and distributing oil about equal to all but the lowest cost fields in the Middle
    East.  Because of fracking technology, fixed
    cost/barrel to modernize and expand existing fields is probably higher in most of the
    Middle East and the rest of the world than expanding or opening new fields in the United States.

    The geopolitical implication of all this is the United
    States could cut off all oil imports from the Middle East and quickly substitute
    NAFTA oil, mostly American. There are
    major geopolitical implications if the United States has oil security, doesn’t
    need Middle East oil and becomes a major exporter of petroleum and natural gas. Maybe the Iranian agreement, over strenuous
    Israeli and Saudi objections, is an indication of the changing, more flexible
    geopolitical policies of the U.S. in the Middle East.

    SUMMARY

    Global demand for energy will continue to increase in the foreseeable future. Global production of all sources of energy, including coal production in Asia, will increase. New technology on both the demand side (electric vehicles and autonomous driving) and supply side (fracking, LNG) will change the economics of energy. This will have geopolitical consequences. Middle East oil will become relatively less important. U.S. exports of oil and natual gas might have geopolitical effects. Development and sales of new technology such as solar and wind, may, in the long run, become more important than fossil fuel extraction.

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    This is a summary of prior posts plus new information and conclusions.  The latest related post was on Russia and the Geopolitics of Energy.

    For an excellent history of the rise of OPEC, see Daniel Yergin, The Prize.



    For an excellent, detailed article on Gazprom, see http://oilprice.com/Energy/Energy-General/How-Russias-Energy-Giant-Imploded.html.  Gazprom has a virtual monopoly on Russian natural gas production and exports.  Its management has very close ties with the Russian government.  Putin has used Gazprom to implement both internal and foreign policy objectives.  Gazprom owns a TV network and a major bank.  Some of its profits were diverted to pay for the incredibly expensive Olympic Winter Games, with billions of dollars ending up in the pockets of oligarchs and government officials.  Overseas, Gazprom has cut off  or threatened to cut off gas supplies to Europe, Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia, the Baltic States, Slovakia and Serbia on orders from the Kremlin. In each case, Gazprom was used as a blunt geopolitical weapon to change another country’s democratic or anti-Russian politics.